By E. ARMSTRONG, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Queen's College, Oxford.

Benefits to Italy from the Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, 1559. . 383

Active forces in Italy. Tuscany and Savoy . 384

Lucca and Piombino escape Cosimo's grasp . 385

Reorganisation of Siena . 386

Cosimo Grand Duke of Tuscany, 1569. The Moderates. Attempt of the Scrozzi . 387

New constitution of Florence . 388

Police and religion . . 389

Cosimo's relations to Rome, and to heresy . 390

Army, navy and finance .391

Pisa. Reopening of the university. Leghorn. Siena . 392

Economic policy. Cosimo's personal life .- 393

Literature and art 394

Character of Cosimo's rule. His resignation. 395

Cosimo's death, 1574. Rule of Francis de' Medici ; his death, 1587 . 396

Relations of Grand-Duke Ferdinand to France and Spain . 397

His commercial and industrial policy .398

Antecedents of Emmanuel Philibert of Savoy . 399

Condition of the Savoyard States . 400

Military and financial necessities . 401

Problems for Emmanuel Philibert . 402

The Vaudois. Proceedings against them . 403

Opportunist treatment of heretics . 404

Emmanuel Philibert and Geneva. Recovery of territory from the Swiss . 405

Emmanuel Philibert in Turin, 1562 . 406

Evacuation of Piedmont by France and Spain . 407

His designs upon Saluzzo . 408

His death, 1580 . 409

His financial and industrial policy . 410

Navy. Fortifications . 411

Army. His personality. Accession of Charles Emmanuel. . 412

Savoyard plots against Geneva. Acquisition of Saluzzo . 414

Interference and War in Provence . 415

Truce of Suresnes, 1593. French invasion of the Savoyard States. 417

War of Saluzzo . 418

Treaty of Lyons, 1601 . 419

Escalade of Geneva, 1602 . 420

Treaty of Saint-Julien. Failure of Charles Emmanuel . 421



THE treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis (1559) brought little peace to France and Spain ; but to Italy, the victim of the wars, it gave genuine solace for half a century and more. This difference was due to the direction taken by the religious conflagration. Calvin's influence set northwards and westwards; and thus Italy in the main was sheltered from the blasts which might cause the war embers to flame afresh. The fire in her neighbours1 houses, far from endangering her own, favoured its reconstruction. Hitherto the aggressive Power had usually been France, but the treaty itself was a confession of failure in Italy ; and internal faction was already giving France as much occupation as her most restless spirits could desire. The coming troubles of Spain could be foreseen, while her financial exhaustion was far advanced. If the restoration of the House of Savoy was an admitted check to French expansion, it gave no unmixed satisfaction to the Spanish Crown. Italian dynasties which had dreaded France had hitherto been forced to lean on Spain. Yet even the power of Charles V had been far from absolute. Ottavio Farnese and Siena had severally defied him; the Duke of Ferrara had conspired with Maurice of Saxony against him ; Cosimo de1 Medici, who owed to him his title, had extorted terms from him. Moreover, the transference of his Italian possessions to the Spanish line effectually changed the situation, though Philip might bear the title of Imperial Vicar. The two Habsburg branches seemed unlikely to act in close concert ; and this was all in favour of a certain measure of Italian independence. Spain, in spite of her possession of Naples and Milan, was not quite predominant. Venice watched the vast Austrian hinterland stretching round her northern and eastern frontiers more anxiously than the impoverished Spanish province of Milan, which faced her short and defensible line of fortresses on the west. The loyalty of the Gonzaga of Mantua was by neighbourhood, by intermarriage, and by investiture with Montferrat, directed rather towards Vienna than Madrid. Genoa was, indeed, bound to Spain by her financial interests and the

influence of the Doria ; but her remnant of independence was watched with jealous apprehension. Without control of Genoa Milan was "in the air"; and this control might be at any moment jeopardised by a French fleet, a holiday outbreak of the populace, a whim of the ruling House. The acquisition of Siena had largely increased the power, and therefore the independence, of the Medici. It is true that the coast towns had been lopped off to form the strange little Spanish State, the Presidi; but their garrisons, fringed by the wasted Maremma, must feed either on fish, or on such flesh, fowl, and grain as Cosimo might suffer. In the company of such native States as Venice and Savoy, Tuscany, Mantua, and Ferrara, even a Pope might pluck up courage and call himself Italian; a religious war in Europe might turn to the advantage of his temporal power, which the rivalry of France and Spain had preserved intact. Thus the outlook for Italian nationalism was hopeful. Naples was already asleep ; and Milan would probably soon follow her example. Philip's character was believed to be tenacious, but not aggressive. In Italy this forecast found fulfilment. He wished the native States also to be left as undisturbed as possible. If it be true that Spain ruined Italy, her indolence rather than her interference was at fault. The pococurantism of the upper classes, a baleful inheritance from distant generations of Teutonic settlers, was to be the curse of Italy. The damages with which from 1559 she must debit Spain were rather mental and moral than military and political.

It is, nevertheless, an exaggeration to regard the Italy of the later sixteenth century as altogether decadent. The wars had produced one great Italian ruler, Cosimo do1 Medici, and one great Italian soldier, Emmanuel Philibert. The peace was to convert the latter into an equally able statesman. Both were not merely rulers but creators. The Tuscany of the one and the Savoy of the other were polities totally distinct from those to which they had succeeded. Their character will be found greatly to resemble each other, although they were quite distinct in origin. The municipal despotism and the feudal lordship had reached the goal of absolute monarchy together. During the new epoch Tuscany and Savoy are the centres of purely Italian history, nor are they without importance in European politics. Venice, more powerful and wealthy than either, though she had emerged from the barbarian invasions with no very material loss of territory, was distracted by Eastern difficulties. The position of Mantua and Ferrara was not profoundly altered, though the Gonzaga dynasty had been strengthened by Austrian favour, and that of Este weakened by the withdrawal of France. Ferrara was illuminated by a brilliant literary afterglow, but the sands were running down ; and papal greed reduced the oldest dynasty in Italy to the minor Imperial fiefs of Modena and Reggio. This proved that the Papacy was not indifferent to its temporal power, although most of its attention was diverted by the Catholic Reaction and the Wars of Religion. Within a

century the not inconsiderable State of Urbino was a voluntary captive within St Peter's net. Parma's one great product, Alessandro Farnese, was wasted on the Netherlands. The republic of Lucca and the lords of Piombino would be content if they could preserve their respective liberty and autocracy from the acquisitive instincts of the Medici. Thus it is that Tuscany and Savoy form the theme of this chapter. In each the government was intensely personal, and the stage was comparatively small; but until the rise of Henry IV it would be hard to find in Continental Europe more competent performers of most difficult parts than were Cosimo de' Medici and Emmanuel Philibert.

The elder Medici had prided themselves on their extension of the Florentine frontiers, but Cosimo by conquering Siena had surpassed them. The two most natural complements of his territory were Lucca and the principality of the Appiani, comprising the headland of Piombino and Elba. Lucca was almost an enclave, and hindered access to the coast north of Pisa. Cosimo, however, failed to annex the republic, as had both Medici and Albizzi before him. The city was rich; the country people were warlike and patriotic. Cosimo saw his chance when the Lucchese Gonfalonier Burlamacchi formed his quixotic conspiracy for Italian liberation ; but the nationalist suffered death without inculpating his State, which put itself under the protection of the Infant Philip (1546). The only result was the formation at Lucca of a close and competent oligarchy which was to survive till the end of the eighteenth century.

Disappointment was greater in the case of Piombino, for twice it was actually in Cosimo's grasp. In hostile hands it would be a serious menace to Florentine commerce, of which Leghorn had become the principal outlet. Cosimo claimed it as being originally part of Pisan territory, and as devolving therefore to Florence with its ruling city. Its cession, however, to the Appiani by Gian Galeazzo Visconti preceded the Florentine conquest of Pisa by seven years. The young ruler Jacopo VI, Cosimo's first cousin on the mother's side, was little able to defend himself. Cosimo garrisoned Piombino against Barbarossa in 1543, and in 1548 Charles V gave him the investiture, but after a few weeks withdrew it. In 1553 Cosimo again had actual possession, but by the arrangement of 1557 he only retained the north-western part of Elba with Porto Ferraio, which became the chief protection of the Tuscan littoral, and the model naval port of southern Europe. Piombino itself passed by marriage from House to House until its annexation to Tuscany in 1814.

The history of Cosimo's acquisitions had been surprising; for who could have imagined that the mushroom despot would have warred down and annexed a large independent State, the old irreconcilable foe of Florence ? He had imposed terms not only on Siena but on the Spanish House, for Philip fought hard against its cession. But all that the King rescued from the spoil were the coast towns Talamone, Port' Ercole, Orbetello, and San Stefano. When in 1559 the French garrisons

evacuated Tuscany, Cosimo could occupy Montalcino and other positions which they had retained. Sovana was alone withheld by its wild lord Niccolô of Pitigliano ; but his violence later enabled Cosimo to annex it, while the little Orsini State itself fell to Tuscany under Ferdinand. A tempting invitation had to be refused from consideration for the European Powers: the Corsicans, in revolt against Genoa, offered Cosimo their island, but he was forced to avert his eyes.

Once lord of Siena, Cosimo did his utmost to heal its wounds, granting amnesty and restitution of property to all who would return. Siena was spared the humiliation of submission to a rival city; she remained a distinct State, with her elective sovereign magistracy, her rule over subject towns, her original custom lines. Her union with Florence, like her former union with Milan, was personal only ; for Florentines and Sienese were equally Cosimo's servants. Nor was the Sienese constitution ostensibly much altered. Cosimo himself gave it, during a long visit, its permanent form. He did not suppress the Monti-parties which, without having any formal place in the constitution, had nevertheless by usage become the groundwork of the fabric ; but he struck from the several party registers families whose poverty might favour corruption or disable them from public service. The Great Council was abolished; but each of the four Monti henceforth elected a quarter of the Council of a Hundred, and was represented in the same proportion in the curious Sienese institution called the Balia, a permanent committee of government elected from the Council. The Signoria and the office of Captain of the People were retained. Thus, as at Florence, the more democratic Council disappeared ; but the ï/otal change was less, for the old sovereign magistracy remained. The form of the constitution, however, mattered little; for all real power was vested in the ducal Governor, who presided in councils and committees, but did his effective work through a bureaucracy dependent on himself, leaving to the native magistracies the less important patronage and non-political jurisdiction. The first Governor was Cosimo's intimate friend Agnolo Niccolini. Partly, perhaps, in consequence of this good beginning, Siena never hereafter gave trouble to the Medici, but became so welded to their House as later always to claim a member of it for Governor.

Cosimo's State was now strangely composite. He ruled Florence by virtue of popular election and Imperial investiture, while he held Siena as a fief of Spain. Interference from the Austrian Habsburgs seemed little probable ; but the suzerainty of Siena and the King^s retention of the Presidi formed an uncomfortable tie to Spain, which Cosimo keenly felt, when the outbreak of civil war in France weakened the chance of maintaining a balance of power in Italy. The desire to give some higher unity to his position prompted him to seek a more exalted title. To this end Pius IV wished to create an Archduchy of Tuscany; but he died before the Bull was issued. In 1569 Pius V created Cosimo Grand

Duke of Tuscany. The Emperor declared against the creation, and drew Philip II to his side. Foreign Courts hesitated, with the exception of England, while the Dukes of Ferrara and Mantua, and later the Duke of Savoy, clamorously protested. When, nevertheless, Çosimo was solemnly crowned at Rome, the Emperor's ambassador ostentatiously left the hall during the ceremony. His master ordered the German Princes not to recognise the title, but he was not generally obeyed ; and his hopes of a reversal were disappointed, when Gregory XIII confirmed his predecessor's action.

The withdrawal of the French from Tuscany in 1559 relieved Cosimo from all fear of exiles without and malcontents within. Hitherto, he had ruled by terrorism : now, he could afford to slacken the reins and reduce the taxes. Yet it is impossible to divide his administration by this date; and this must be the justification of a wider survey of its character.

Cosimo's election after Alessandro's murder in 1537 was in accordance with Charles V's act of settlement of 1532 ; for he was the nearest legitimate agnate of the House after the murderer Lorenzino, who was debarred by public decree. On the father's side he was descended from the brother of the elder Cosimo, pater patriae, while his mother was grand-daughter of Lorenzo. His father, Giovanni délie Bande Nere, son of Caterina Sforza, may have inherited through her the military genius which had cast lustre upon Florence. This made Cosimo's election popular, though no one knew the capacity of the handsome athletic youth of eighteen, who had been well brought up on slender means. Very characteristic of the Italian despotism was the combination of hereditary right and election by the Council of Forty-eight, which now represented the Commune. Cosimo was the choice of the Moderates, headed by Guicciardini, against the extreme Mediceans, who preferred a bastard infant of Alessandro's, and against the republican aristocracy. The new ruler was not styled Duke, but head and chief of the Republic; the appointment to important magistracies was vested in the Forty-eight; and his income was limited to a fixed sum. The Emperor had a better security, for his general, Alessandro Vitelli, had on Duke Alessandro's murder seized the fortresses of Florence, Pisa, and Leghorn.

Guicciardini intended to lead the government, and would have granted an amnesty to the several groups of exiles of Alessandro's reign. When negotiations failed, Filippo Strozzi and his sons attempted to surprise the new ruler, but were themselves surprised and beaten at Montemurlo. Cosimo acted on Machiavelli's principle that cruelty should be short and sharp. The leaders in his power were executed in batches. Filippo Strozzi, who was Vitelli's prisoner, later committed suicide, or was possibly murdered. Henceforth there were few political executions, and these for ascertained conspiracies. Strozzi's sons in French service stimulated the resistance of Siena ; but to the end of the Medicean dynasty there was no further civil war, no armed collision

between State and rebels. Cosimo's victory was not unpopular with the people, for he had avenged it on the nobles who had robbed it of its liberty. Cosimo had won a victory, not only over the opposition, but over his own government. Guicciardini retired to his villa, to eat his heart and write his history ; and the Prince gave his chief confidence to the mere business-man of the previous reign, the Secretary Francesco Campana. The Constitution could easily be ignored, for it had no roots in popular affection. Clement VII had swept away the older institutions, which Charles V in 1532 had spared, replacing them by the Councils of the Two Hundred and the Forty-eight. The more effective power rested with the latter, from which every three months were elected four members who formed the Prince's Privy Council. With him in conjunction with these Councillors lay the initiative power. The old departmental Committees, the Otto delta pratica, the Otto di Balia, the Sel di Mercanzia, the Ruota, had survived, but in strict subordination to the Forty-eight. The merit of this constitution was that administration for the first time really rested with citizens of experience. With time and an easy prince it might have hardened into an official oligarchy ; but Cosimo was not the ruler to allow other powers to outgrow his own. He made few ostensible alterations, and the Forty-eight preserved its dignity; but he quickly learnt the older Medicean art of supplanting without destroying institutions that might become encumbrances.

The supposed functions of the changing Privy Council were soon usurped by the Pratica sécréta, an informal committee of experts whom Cosimo might think fit to summon. From the nucleus inherited from Alessandro he developed his own bureaucracy. In this he took Lorenzo as his model, preferring men of lowly station, not Florentines but shrewd Tuscans from the provinces. Thus Campana came from Colle close to the Sienese border ; Lelio Torelli, who succeeded him, was a foreigner, a Romagnol ; Bartolommeo Concini, the trusted minister of later days, was of Terranova on the Arno. Lorenzo's hated secretary, Piero da Bibbiena, found a counterpart in Bernardo, of the same clever Casentino stock. Agnolo Niccolini, Archbishop of Pisa, the only noble to whom Cosimo gave high administrative office, recalled his namesake driven from Florence on the fall of Piero II. The old committees still did the executive and judicial routine work ; but the permanent secretaries advised with authority on important cases, while measures receiving the Duke's approval after discussion in the Pratica passed for laws.

Both within Florence and without, order now began to reign. A check was put on the arbitrary injustice and corruption of the podestà and other Florentine officials who ruled the subject cities. Pistoia's sanguinary factions were ruthlessly pacified. In Florence criminal law was executed without fear or favour ; there was no straining and stretching of the civil law in party interests. Magistrates were highly paid, and forbidden to receive presents. Justice was .made the more effective by

being simplified ; the varying laws of the territory were superseded by the Florentine criminal code, though the municipalities were propitiated by the profits of jurisdiction. Even the terrible law of treason, the legge Polverina, was but the codification of scattered and inconsistent ordinances or practices long in force ; its severest penalties had precedents in those recently inflicted by the republic on Medicean partisans. Severity produced conspiracy among the more corrupt aristocracy ; but those who conspired now at least knew their liabilities. For the law-abiding citizen justice had never been so even. Citizens in general, wrote Guicciardini, care little about forms of government, if only justice is well administered. The tyrant gave Florence the justice which liberty had denied her.

To Cosimo's intelligent and incorrupt magistracy his efficient police and elaborate system of espionage were invaluable adjuncts. His spies were everywhere, it was believed-in every household, in every church. Wherever Florentines congregated abroad, secret agents were in their midst. Each night the chief of police sent in a list of all men met in the streets, armed or unarmed, with lanterns or without. If a shot were fired or a knife thrust home, the gates were closed till the criminal was found. Cosimo's first act on rising was to scan the list of cases in the Courts. The envoy Fedeli, accustomed to the severity of Venetian justice, yet wrote with awe of the secret prisons from which news never issued.

For the ruler of Florence religion also had to be a matter of police. Twice a republican outburst had accompanied a religious revival at once anti-Medicean and anti-papal. The doctrines of Savonarola and of his more fanatical successors in 1527-30 were not technically heretical ; but during each movement the Pope's authority was rejected, and heresy follows close on schism. If Florence herself was comparatively untainted by Italian Protestantism and Unitarianism, she was dangerously near to Lucca and Siena, the homes of prominent reformers. Cosimo was really religious in his Medicean way, and felt disgust at the wild reaction against religion and morality which had disgraced the restoration under Alessandro. His welcome of the disciplinary decrees of Trent, his efforts to reform monastic life, his introduction of the Jesuits, his choice of Lainez as confessor, were proofs of his desire to take the best that the Catholic revival could offer. Yet political motives doubtless underlay religious. In spite of some formalism and more superstition, the religion of Florence was genuine, and the feeling which had made Savonarola's triumph possible spread far beyond the Piagnoni. The churches were always full, the clergy generally popular. Thus Cosines respect for religion won the regard of the middle and lower classes, and of no small section of the higher. Through the clergy he could control the people. The parish priests acted as a religious secret service, furnishing lists of church attendance, and even, it is said, information of the number of wafers used in the Sacrament. Nevertheless if religious bodies seemed dangerous,

their character gave them no protection. Suspecting that San Marco and the associated Houses were keeping alive the republican spirit, he summarily ejected the Dominicans, and replaced them by Augustinians, whose convent of San Gallo, built for them by Loren/o, had been destroyed during the siege. In this he went dangerously far, and was forced by threats of interdict from Paul III to restore the friars. No one more strongly insisted on the evils of episcopal non-residence. yet he kept Archbishop Altoviti out of his see of Pisa for seventeen years, because, though non-political himself, he was son of the anti-Medicean Bindo Altoviti. This action will recall Lorenzo's exclusion of Archbishop Salviati from the same see ; while from the early Medici also Cosimo inherited his suspicion of the religious and charitable lay guilds, the secrecy of whose procedure undoubtedly offered opportunities for conspiracy. Of even longer standing was Florentine insistence on State control over the Inquisition. Cosimo's difficulty here was great, as he warmly sympathised with the objects for which the Council of Trent had strengthened it. Heresy found no favour with him, if only on political grounds ; nevertheless, in the case of individuals he had a certain breadth of view. He has been blamed for allowing the Inquisition to arrest Pietro Carnesecchi at his own table. Cosimo had long protected him, and believed that his influence at Rome could save him a second time; but Carnesecchi's steadfastness rendered mediation abortive. Stranger still was Cosimo's continued regard for Lelio and Fausto Sozzini (Socinus), after their anti-Trinitarian tenets were suspected or declared. Abroad his sympathies were for orthodoxy. He assisted Charles IX with money in the First War of Religion, and in 1568 sent a strong contingent to the papal army employed against the Huguenots. Much doubtless depended on his political relations with the Papacy. To the Farnese he was always hostile ; and under Paul III Rome was the breeding-ground for anti-Medicean plots. Cosimo avoided active collision with Paul IV, but on his death secured the election of Pius IV, who was brother of his own general, the Marquis of Marignano. Now he became the Pope's close friend and counsellor, visiting him at Rome, reconciling him with Philip II after their quarrels over the Council, persuading him to abandon the obstructive policy by which Paul III had alienated the Fathers of Trent and wrecked the earlier meeting. The Cardinalate of Cosimo's son Giovanni, when only seventeen, recalled to Florentine memory that of yet another youthful Giovanni de' Medici. The boy had not the high fortunes of his namesake ; but on his tragic death his hat was conferred upon his brother Ferdinand, who was to become Grand Duke of Tuscany. Papal favour was continued under Pius V, who steadily supported Medicean interests against the Houses of Este and Farnese, and created the Grand Duchy of Tuscany in defiance of Imperial protests.

The national militia which Machiavelli had once raised to support

his theory was by Cosimo revived on a larger scale. Of his 30,000 good troops the best 7000 were recruited from the conquered Sienese. Florence and Pistoia were exempt from service, from precaution rather than from privilege; there was risk in arming the capital and the neighbouring city, whose factions had proved infectious. Cosimo boasted that he could mobilise his militia in five days. He praised their loyalty, asserting that, unlike the mercenaries, they never deserted during the Sienese war. Had it been needful, he could doubtless have relied on them against Florence. His attempt to raise a yeomanry from the upper classes did not meet with like success ; but he kept in his pay German, Swiss, Corsican, and Italian colonels, to raise mercenaries if required. His artillery was excellent, and the more exposed southern frontier bristled with well-armed fortresses. The peasantry were forced to store their grain and live in the walled cities, which secured their provision mart and also rendered the country-side inaccessible to invaders.

A prince, said Cosimo, should be strong alike by sea and land. At Pisa he built docks, and he made Porto Ferraio a fine naval harbour. The immediate difficulty was the total lack of a national marine. The Republic of 1494-1512 had not owned a single galley, and could only blockade Pisa by hiring Genoese pirates. To remedy this, Cosimo introduced a seafaring element, especially into Elba, from Greece, Sicily, and the Levant. Very successful also was his new naval Order of St Stephen, whose members were pledged to war against the infidel. This Order was confined to the nobility, and intended to interest them in State service, to attach them to the dynasty, to wean them away from faction and the pursuit of wealth. The Knights were endowed with Commanderies founded by the State or by wealthy private families. They won distinction at Penon de Vêlez in 1564, and at Lepanto in 1571. But the little fleet never reached its intended number of twenty galleys, and could scarcely keep the sea when the Barbaresques appeared in force. On the other hand it paid its way, for Cosimo used it for his private commerce ; while his successor extended its functions to piracy which brought him into trouble with Venice.

In no department was Cosimo's absolutism more conspicuous than in finance. The long Sienese war entailed expenditure that few Princes could have borne. To meet it he added new sources of revenue to old. Import and export duties kept rising ; the standing property-tax was supplemented by a general income-tax of seven per cent. Among other expedients were a grist tax, a meat tax, and State lotteries. Forced gifts and loans had been exacted under all forms of government; and by such the war was largely financed. The gifts, which were not repayable, were widely spread ; but the loans were levied only from the rich and were not unpopular, because they bore good interest, and the capital, contrary to former experience, proved to be secure. So also Cosimo faithfully paid the arrears of the salaries of State officials, which he had

suspended at an anxious crisis. He knew the advantage of good credit ; he could borrow in the European markets at a far cheaper rate than the Emperor or the Kings of France and Spain. Heavy as were the burdens, they were, perhaps, more tolerable than of yore. The taxes were not now used as daggers wherewith to stab political opponents: income rather than partisanship was the basis of assessment. The revenue was no longer farmed, but collected by ducal officials, rigorously supervised and audited. Cosimo told Fedeli that prevention of robbery had been his only difficult task ; he believed, however, that now no minister could steal a farthing.

Cosimo was no mere fiscalist ; he not only tapped but filled the reservoirs of revenue. He revived the decaying silk and woollen trades, and could boast of an unprecedented production of cloth. The smaller towns and villages, to which Florence had jealously forbidden manufacture, now plied their looms. By disobeying Charles V's orders to the Italian cities to eschew the fairs of Lyons, Cosimo drew trade from Genoa and Lucca, while he captured the lucrative trade in brocades with Sicily and Spain. Mercantilist as he was, he sympathised with the physiocratic leanings of the Florentine gentry, who had made the scientific development of their estates their chief interest. War had annihilated their efforts, but peace of itself did much to redress the balance ; and Cosimo, like the earlier Medici, set a personal example in scientific farming and fruit-growing. He took a lively interest in the silver mines of Pietra Santa, the marble quarries near Carrara, and the anthracite discoveries on the Upper Arno; concessions were obtained for working the alum of Piombino and the iron of Elba. He endeavoured, as did the early Medici, to bribe Pisa to loyalty by material prosperity. The city was made quite healthy by good drainage ; building materials were admitted free; and ships built there paid no harbour dues in Tuscan ports. Manufactures of glass and coral were introduced ; Portuguese Jews and Greeks were tempted to settle by the promise of toleration. In 1543 the University of Pisa was reopened. Italy was ransacked for distinguished professors, and Tuscans were forbidden to take degrees elsewhere. Pisa became both an intellectual and social centre, for the fashionable Order of St Stephen had its headquarters there, and the Grand Dukes from Cosimo downwards made it a favourite residence. Nothing, indeed, could tempt the old nobility back to Pisa, and the river-port was too near the seaport of Leghorn to recover the commerce of the past ; but at least her stateliness and brightness were restored.

The importance of Leghorn had been long recognised. When Maximilian besieged it in 1496 it was described as being of more vital importance than Pisa, as the very eye of Florence. Its population had dwindled to one thousand, but Cosimo made it one of the busiest ports in the western Mediterranean, although it was to owe yet more to his son Ferdinand. Siena at once recovered much of her prosperity and

population under Cosimo's level absolutism. From 1559 he set himself to reclaim the Sienese Maremma, and drain away the malarious waters pent up among the low undulating hills by impervious banks of sand and shingle. Not content with a generous scheme of repatriation, he brought agricultural colonies from the Friuli, from Mantua and Ferrara, from Parma and Piacenza ; all necessaries were imported free, and a fair was established at Grosseto. The grain trade was revived, but at a great sacrifice of life, for the Lombard colonists could not resist the pestilential climate. Among the victims of his brave attempt were two of Cosimo's sons and his wife.

There were, of course, drawbacks to this beneficent economic autocracy. It was calamitous, wrote Fedeli, that all the rich and noble families of Florence should be enslaved by one Prince who had in his power all private and public wealth-even though they believed that it served them right. Cosimo was not above contemporary prejudices or personal interests. He would make a revenue and a reserve at almost any cost. Before his death the industries which he had stimulated were somewhat waning, and trade was slipping away to the cheaper papal port of Ancona. He became a banker like his forefathers ; and the banker's interest was not always coincident with the State's. Speculation in grain became almost a monopoly. Popular prejudice, indeed, had prevented free export from the Maremma, which might have made its colonisation a greater success ; but the Duke himself, while liberally supplying the very poor, hampered production by restrictions on the market. His dealings in the woollen trade were in unfair competition with his subjects ; he was suspected of elbowing the wealthier families out of trade, lest wealth should make them politically dangerous. On the other hand, he paid off from his private resources the debt of the Sienese war; and, while greater monarchs left their States in bankruptcy, Cosimo bequeathed a well-filled treasury.

In his personal life Cosimo retained much of the citizen simplicity of the elder Medici. There was no sumptuous Court, no exotic ceremonial, no separate establishments for wife and children. Domestic expenses were carefully watched ; and the Duchess, though liberal in alms, was reported stingy. The Duke disliked the attentions in which most crowned heads appear to take pleasure. He travelled, he would say, with a large suite, because he wished to be self-sufficient, and so allow his subjects to attend to their own affairs. On occasion he could inspire awe ; but he had inherited the Medicean sociability and love of town and country pleasures, the passion for tournaments, pallone, and the chase. He could then throw off his dignity, joke with his companions, and put them at their ease. But, amusement over, he withdrew into himself, assuming his austere air at any sign of forwardness, so that it became a saying that he duked and unduked himself at pleasure. His pride, however, was Italian, and not Spanish or German; and it was due to him and

his second surviving son, Ferdinand, that Florence and Tuscany escaped the fate of almost every other Italian province, that they never lost the air of freshness, freedom and simplicity, which Montesquieu in the eighteenth century found so pleasant.

Artistic and literary appreciation was a heritage from both lines of Medici ; and, as with Cosimo the Elder and Lorenzo, it was politically valuable. Cosimo's new historical school comprised Varchi, Adriani, and Ammirato, while Paolo Giovio printed his histories under his auspices. The supremacy of Tuscan speech was all in favour of the ambitious Tuscan ruler. Thus to the amateur Accademia degli Umidi he gave the national title and official position of the Accademia Fiorent'ma, enjoining the duty of establishing rules which should give Tuscany a permanent classical prestige. Of this the Accademia detta Crusca was the outcome in the immediate future, while Varchi and Gelli by their lectures on Dante and Petrarch refreshed the memories of the past; and the restored Cathedral once more echoed the tones of the medieval religious poet. Firenzuola and il Lasca contributed dimple and smile to the more serious aspect of literature. In Cellini and Vasari Cosimo can boast the auto-biographer and biographer who of all Italians have, perhaps, the most enduring fame ; and it is characteristic of Medicean versatility that in their persons Cosimo linked the art and letters of his reign. His eager interest in Cellini, his close friendship with Vasari, his friendly correspondence with other leading artists, prove at the same time a love for art above that of the princely patron and collector. He did his utmost to woo Michelangelo back to Florence, consulting him on all artistic enterprises, promising him any official honours that he might choose, visiting him with sympathetic reverence at Rome. The Academy of the Fine Arts, the Arte del Disegno, was the embodiment of his monarchical, organising spirit, giving social unity and collaboration to painters, sculptors, and architects. From Cosimo date the characteristically Florentine arts of mosaic and work in porphyry. His were the collections which formed the nucleus of the Uffizi gallery; he completed and opened the Laurentian Library. Yet nature, perhaps, appealed more to his practical turn of mind than even art or literature. He founded the School of Botany at Pisa, where the Botanical Garden (1544) is only just junior to that of Padua. Among his chief delights were his herbarium and his Physic Garden by San Marco ; nor were the pleasure-gardens of the Pitti and the family villa at Castello without their scientific uses. At Pisa too Vesalius taught; while at Florence doctors and chemists underwent reforms as drastic as their antiquated remedies. A few years more life, and Cosimo would have been the lord of Galileo ; but this honour was reserved for Ferdinand. This record of art, literature, history, and science would prove the steps of intellectual decadence to be at least extremely slow.

Cosimo's creation was entirely new, for there was no concealment of

the tyranny which stood confessed : the sham republicanism of the earlier Medicean period had vanished. Had Cosimo been more academic he might be suspected of having borrowed his principles direct from the new political philosophy. But he was an absolute prince in character, even in appearance. To those who obeyed he was a kindly ruler, and not ungenerous in offering opportunities for repentance. In his princeliness there was no smack of the Bombastes. A son of one of Italy's greatest soldiers, himself the creator of her best military force, he did not play the generalissimo. Under the ducal mantle he wore the Florentine civil cloak, and he preserved such of the republican customs of the past as were not inconsistent with the completeness of his absolutism. Florence, it was said, had neither the virtue to preserve her liberty nor the docility to bear servitude. It was a great feat for a single ruler to deprive her of the one, and to enforce the other. Within thirty years she seemed to have forgotten her republican aspirations ; but for this loss there was compensation. The people, torn by faction, now lived at peace, enjoying even justice and incorrupt administration, hitherto very rare. Abroad Florence was no longer the sport of every Borgia or Vitelli, but was feared by neighbours and respected by foreign Powers, defended by a national army, a national fleet, and modern fortresses. So indispensable had been Cosimo's alliance that Charles V had ceded to him at one moment the Florentine fortresses, at another Piombino. From Philip II he had extorted the investiture of Siena. He balanced the power of Spain by giving ear to French allurements, and by professing friendship for Philip's ill-liked cousin Maximilian, whose daughter he won for his heir. The city recovered much of its former commercial prosperity and artistic and literary pre-eminence. Greedy as the Duke was of wealth, he spent lavishly on public improvements, and was, not merely from interest, but by nature, generous in his charities. Tuscany, instead of being an aggregate of units hostile to Florence and each other, was now a modern State with common aims and a common order. She was to enjoy a long era of prosperity, and to become, as Venice once was, a model for less fortunate provinces. If in the Thirty Years' War and in that of the Spanish Succession she was subjected to grievous taxation and even to excursions and alarms, it was no fault of her own or of her dynasty.

Cosimo in 1564 resigned the routine of government, though not the control of policy, to his son Francis. He was still young, but had laboured incessantly. In the autumn of 1562 he had lost within a few days from Maremma fevers his wife and his two sons, Garzia and Giovanni. A year earlier his well-loved daughter, Lucrezia, died shortly after her marriage to Alfonso II of Ferrara. These natural misfortunes were in the following century caught up by scandal-mongers and Florentine exiles, and distorted into dramatic tragedies of adultery and poison, fratricide and parricide, which have passed muster as the inner history of the reign. After his resignation Cosimo deteriorated, degrading himself

by his amours with two Florentine ladies, one of whom, Camilla Martelli, owing to Pius Vs appeal to his conscience, became his unofficial wife. The marriage displeased his sons, nor did it bring him peace, and on April 21, 1574, he died.

This incomplete and unsatisfactory regency of ten years opened a period of social demoralisation, which culminated during Francis1 reign. Florence was permeated by an atmosphere of adultery, violence, and pecuniary corruption. As under Alessandro, she experienced the worst side of the Italian despotism. Moreover, Francis, born of a Spanish mother, and partly brought up in Spain, had no Tuscan geniality or simplicity. Either he withdrew himself to his studies in natural science and his amours, or in his magnificent and extravagant Court, formed on the Spanish model, surrounded himself with titled nobility. The consideration declined in which the untitled Florentine gentry and the higher magistrates had been held ; and the craze for titles, from which Florence had been comparatively free, set in. Justice was excessively severe without being deterrent. Taxation reduced itself to fiscalism, and trading to a system of monopolies for the disreputable group surrounding the throne. Francis' passion for the Venetian runaway Bianca Cappello, and his mean and heartless treatment of his Austrian wife, disgusted the people of Florence and the Court of Vienna ; nor did his marriage with his mistress immediately after his wife's death improve the situation. To increase the roll of family scandals, his sister was murdered by her brutal husband, Paolo Giordano Orsini; while his brother Piero assassinated his wife, who was also his first cousin. Francis was on bad terms with the Cardinal Ferdinand ; but the latter visited his brother at Poggio à Caiano, and was reconciled. During the visit Francis died (October 19, 1587), and on the following day Bianca. Though it is certain that both died a natural death, the coincidence caused yet another scandal. The sole political fact of the reign had been the recognition of the Grand-ducal title by Maximilian II.

Within ten years four Cardinals exchanged their hats for crowns or their equivalent. Of these the Cardinal de' Medici alone justified the process. In the prime of life he accepted the full consequences of the charge, married, and left his dynasty amply provided with posterity. Trained in affairs at the Roman Court, a patron of oriental learning, and a collector of antiques, he was an ideal ruler for Florence, whose independence must rest mainly on diplomacy, and her prestige on culture. Ferdinand had learnt at Rome that subservience to Spain was not the only alternative for an Italian Prince; and his very marriage proved that he was not in leading-strings. His choice fell upon Christine of Lorraine, granddaughter of Catharine de' Medici, who had previously tried to wed her to the young Duke of Savoy. The marriage placed the Grand Duke in close connexion with both the Crown and the House of Guise ; but Ferdinand was too wise to favour the disintegration of France, which

must entail dependence upon Spain. Although he dared not declare openly for Navarre, he secretly aided him with money, and actively contributed to his reconciliation with the Papacy and the House of Lorraine. He played, indeed, no insignificant part in the Civil War in Southern France. During the troubles of Marseilles in 1591, the commandant of the Château d'If invited Ferdinand to occupy the fortress in pledge for such Catholic King as France might choose. Tuscan troops and stores were shipped from Leghorn, and served to thwart the designs of Spain and Savoy. Philip's order to withdraw the garrison met with a flat refusal. In the final disturbances of 1596 Casaux, head of the ultra-Catholic democratic party in Marseilles, admitted Spanish troops. The Duke of Guise, now in the royal service, surprised the city ; and such Spaniards as escaped fled on Doria's galleys under the fire of the Tuscan guns. The sudden revival of Spanish power in northern France made Ferdinand hesitate. He now expelled the French part of the garrison of the Château d'If, and seemed bent on a permanent occupation of the Iles Pomègues, which would have made him virtual master of the port; he would at least hold the fortress as security for his large advances to Henry IV. Hostilities between French and Tuscans had actually begun, when the King appeased Ferdinand by giving adequate security for the future payment of his debt (1598).

It was no time to quarrel with France, for in the autumn of 1597 Alfonso II of Ferrara had died; and Clement VIII refused to invest Cesare d'Esté, also brother-in-law of Ferdinand, who zealously supported his claim. The Spanish party in Italy was urging the Pope to employ his large forces in a partition of Tuscany ; and, to propitiate him, the newly-converted Henry IV had abandoned Ferrara, the faithful ally of a century and a half. Ferdinand feared that he might also sacrifice the Medici to the Aldobrandini Clement VIII, son of a Florentine exile of 1530.

Philip II's death gave Ferdinand hopes of friendlier relations with Spain, on which the investiture of Siena depended. However, Pietro de' Medici, restless and in debt, enjoyed high favour at the Spanish Court, and could not abandon his pretensions to an appanage at the expense of his brother's State. His influence stimulated Lerma's dislike of Ferdinand ; and Philip III continued to refuse investiture. Turning towards France, the Grand Duke formed a close link with the now powerful Bourbon King by marrying his niece Maria to him (1600). Yet this brilliant alliance was but the source of disappointments. Ferdinand had urged Henry IV to insist on the cession of Saluzzo by Charles Emmanuel, offering to pay the expenses of war. The peace of Lyons, therefore, sorely rankled ; for Ferdinand's Savoyard rival seemed as an Italian Power stronger than of yore, and France appeared to be abandoning Italy to Spain. In vain Ferdinand strove to court the Habsburgs by sending the Emperor a contingent for the Turkish war,

by risking his ships in the Spanish expedition against Algiers, even by surrendering one of the false Sebastians, who might trouble Philip Ill's possession of Portugal. The only result was the refusal of the investiture of Piombino on the death of the last direct heir, and the fortification of Porto Longone as a direct menace to Porto Ferraio. At length Fuentes, governor of Milan, exhausted Ferdinand's patience by interfering in the Imperial fiefs and Florentine possessions in the Lunigiana. The Grand Duke resolutely sent his troops to the frontiers, and prepared to fight the power of Spain. He seemed isolated, for he was now on bad terms with France, partly owing to the brutality of Henry IV towards his foolish wife. Fortunately at this juncture Pietro died at Madrid. Philip III now granted the investiture of Siena ; and the Spanish Queen favoured the marriage of her sister, the Archduchess Maria Magdalena, with Ferdinand's heir. Thus the reign ended happily with the marriage festivities, in the midst of which arrived the trophies of the brilliant capture of the great Alexandrian treasure-fleet by the privateering squadron of the Grand Duchess. The rejoicings, however, caused the Grand Duke's death, for they were incompatible with the spare diet to which he had perforce accustomed himself.

Florence had no happier reign than this. Ferdinand's gentle dignity and genial simplicity dispersed the fumes of Francis' morbid pride. The respectable family life of the grand-ducal pair corrected the evil taste left by the scandals of the last reign. Within reach of the capital cruel justice became no longer necessary. Ferdinand, conscious of bursts of passion, ordered that sentences given at such moments should be suspended for a calmer hour. Government was as absolute as ever ; all affairs of State were transacted by the Grand Duke's personal will through agency of his secretaries. Meanwhile ordinary business was conducted by the normal constitutional magistracies without interference. Francis had pushed his own banking and trading speculations to his subjects' injury. Ferdinand zealously promoted his own and the public trade. He tried to obtain through a Spanish marriage a Crown for his second son and a Tuscan settlement in Brazil, and again a post in West Africa. Failing in this he invested largely in the Anglo-Dutch smuggling trade with the Indies, and to facilitate this revived the old Pisan alliance with the kingdom of Fez with a view to acquiring the port of Larache. Sully's protective measures had completed the ruin of Italian trade with France, while the acts of repudiation by the Spanish Crown had caused widespread bankruptcy in Florence. Ferdinand found compensation by opening up active commerce with England and the Baltic. In the ex-Cardinal the Porte found an unremitting foe. This entailed loss of the Levantine trade ; but privateering was almost as profitable. All the Turk's enemies found support at Florence-Persia, the Druses, the rebel Bey of Aleppo, the Greeks of Cyprus. Tuscan squadrons, often commanded by French and English adventurers, performed no mean exploits.

They destroyed the Barbaresque ships under the guns of Algiers, stormed Prevesa, burnt Bona, and attempted Famagosta. With a little more support Ferdinand might have wrested from the Turk Cyprus and Jerusalem itself, for Christian piracy in the Levant had suddenly assumed formidable proportions.

At home in Tuscany Ferdinand was tireless in promoting agricultural and mineral development. The drainage of the Chiana valley and the Maremma were above the hydraulic experience of those days ; and the former led to a brush with the Papacy, for it was believed that Rome was flooded by the operations on the upper Tiber. They had the indirect effect of making agriculture and gardening fashionable among the nobility, and of so reviving their taste for the fresh Tuscan life. Cosimo and Francis had encouraged the growth of the olive ; but to Ferdinand was mainly due the extension of the mulberry, which provided the Tuscan silk-trade with its raw material. Yet of all his bequests the greatest was Leghorn ; for it was he who really made the modern town, for which Cosimo and Francis had laid foundations. Leghorn became a home for all nations and all creeds, a shining example of despotic tolerance for free trade and free religion. Justly famous for the material blessings of his reign, the Tuscan Prince had shown himself no coward. He had bearded the Sultan, and confronted Spain ; he had interchanged blows with the Pope, and with the King of France.

The antecedents of Emmanuel Philibert of Savoy differed widely from those of Cosimo de' Medici. The latter, an unknown youth whose only claim to distinction was his father's military talent, was suddenly preferred to power by the assassination of a very distant cousin. The Savoyard, son of a most unmartial sire, was thirty years of age and the hero of Europe at the time of his restoration, which he owed to the blow struck by his own arm at Saint-Quentin. Nevertheless, the capacity of either for reconstruction and administration was almost equally unknown, and Emmanuel Philibert's task was the harder.

It had seemed inevitable that the House of Savoy should share the fate of Navarre. Mountain ranges divided the possessions of each House into two main blocks. As Ferdinand had annexed the Spanish and larger part of Navarre, and as the line of Albret had thus become a satellite of France, so the lion's share of the Savoyard territories had fallen to Francis I and Henry II, while the remainder was a mere dependency of Spain. There was, however, this difference, that here the mountains did not form the political dividing line, since the French occupied, not only the whole of the western lands which had not been previously seized by the Swiss, but also the bulk of Piedmont. This .latter they fought hard to retain in the negotiations for peace ; for it

gave them the entrance to Italy, and kept alive their pretensions to the Milanese. Finally, to save French pride, all questions of title to the duchy or any part of it were reserved for legal decision within three years. Meanwhile they retained five strategic points-Turin, Chivasso, Chieri, Villanova d'Asti, and Pinerolo. The Spaniards, who held the smaller eastern section of Piedmont, claimed as a counterpoise, until the French garrisons were withdrawn, Asti as covering Alessandria, and Vercelli to command the Sesia, but Vercelli was shortly exchanged for Santhià. Philip II had previously extorted another concession. He coveted Nice and Villafranca as halfway naval stations between Barcelona and Genoa. The Duke could not refuse ; and thus their garrisons were paid by Spain, taking the oath both to Philip and the Duke. The battle of Saint-Quentin decided, not only the Duke's restoration, but his marriage. It seemed certain from the first that the nearly related House of France would supply the bride. The Duke would have preferred Henry IPs daughter Catharine, but the King seized the opportunity of finding a husband for his sister Margaret, now verging on forty, and this Princess herself had set her heart upon the Savoyard. Emmanuel Philibert at first resisted, threatening to marry Elizabeth Tudor, in spite of heresy and illegitimacy, but ultimately surrendered. The marriage was celebrated by Henry's express desire, while he was dying of Montgomery's lance-thrust. The restoration of the ruler was less difficult than the reconstruction of the State. The materials upon which the restored Duke had to work were most unpromising. Apart from a few hundred men in isolated posts, he possessed no military force, regular or irregular. The fortresses remaining to him were in ruins, while the French were authorised to dismantle those that they were ceding. The revenues were alienated or mortgaged at a ruinous rate, the very crown jewels pawned or plundered. Piedmont lay waste, its farms and cottages burnt, its country-side flooded by neglected rivers and canals. Ferrante Gonzaga had suggested the immersion of the whole plain to serve as a screen for Lombardy. The once flourishing industries in woollens and fustians had withered ; a large part of the population had emigrated; the remainder were crushed by French and Spanish exactions and forced labour. Such money as there was-and the French had spent freely-had gravitated towards the Jews. The people, never as a whole industrious, had been demoralised by the war ; they had lost all power of work, and all care for a higher standard of comfort. The parochial clergy were completely out of hand; the scandals of monasteries and nunneries cried for chastisement. Heresy had spread apace, not only in the Vaudois districts and those immediately influenced by Geneva and Dauphiné, but in the very heart of Piedmont, especially in the towns garrisoned by the French and their Swiss and German mercenaries. Of administrative machinery there was little, of public order less. The Courts of Chambéry and Turin and the Exchequer (Camera de1 Contï) were huddled together at

Vercelli, striving to keep alive some show of justice in the scattered fiefs and towns which still owed allegiance. Their power and their procedure compared unfavourably with that of the French Courts established in Savoy and at Turin. Piedmont was cursed by the revival of the old Guelfic and Ghibelline factions, intensified by the real distinction between French, Spanish, and loyalist partisans. The loyalists expected the rewards of the restoration, and yet they were in so small a minority that the Duke must ignore past treason or indifference, and win back allegiance by peculiar favour. While feudatories had usurped privileges or lands, the larger communes of the old Lombard type, such as Asti and Vercelli, exaggerated their franchises. The Duke had no trained administrators or ambassadors. The Grand-Chancellor, Langosco di Stroppiana, owed his promotion to his own devotion to the Prince and the Prince's devotion to his daughter. The only other adherents who as yet rose above mediocrity were Emmanuel Philibert's intimate friend Andrea Provana, lord of Leyni, who had shown courage, self-sacrifice and diplomatic competence, and the Count of Montfort, whose cleverness was less doubtful than his orthodoxy and disinterestedness. In the Duke's favour was the enthusiasm of Piedmont; for, when the French garrisons refused to evacuate without their arrears of pay and gratuitous transport, the impoverished people made generous subscriptions. They expected to return to a golden age which knew not taxes nor military service, when the Duke had been the most free-handed among his "confederates," the nobles. In Savoy, from the first, the feeling was more sober; for Savoy had been spared the ravages of war, and had enjoyed a judicious blend of central and local administration. The inhabitants were akin by race and speech to their immediate French neighbours, and soon became aware that their Prince posed as an Italian. The first requisite was an army, which must comprise a trained militia for defence and a mercenary professional force to stiffen defensive or initiate offensive measures. The Duke's fortresses must at least delay an enemy, and give diplomacy time to find allies. He had seen how some smaller Italian States, Mantua, Ferrara, Parma, and Florence, had made themselves respected by their military resources or scientific fortification. Military efficiency implied organised finance. The old duties and the revenues from domain land were totally inadequate to modern needs. To extract higher contributions from his subjects the Prince must develop their resources, agricultural and commercial. He must also rid himself of the shackles imposed by the complicated congeries of provincial Estates, costly alike to ruler and subject, productive of delay, entailing loans at ruinous interest and financial embarrassment. This change again implied a process of evolution in the somewhat inchoate system of courts and councils, and the differentiation of financial, judicial, and administrative agencies. Administration alone could give unity to Savoy and Piedmont, differing in language, in sympathies, in

occupations, in geographical connexions. Geographical dualism connected itself with political divergence, but far more dangerous was religious dissidence. To Savoy-Piedmont, of all States, it would be most dangerous, not only because it weakened a people which to be strong must at least be united, but because it was responsible for the loss of the dynasty's rights over Geneva, and of the northern Savoyard territories to the Swiss. Now that the religious question had become international, the spread of dissent in Savoy might give a Catholic Power a pretext for intervention, such as actually occurred in the neighbouring principality of Orange.

Apart from reconstruction or revolution-for the conversion of the feudal state into a modern monarchy was little less-the Prince must look to a process of recovery, and even of expansion. He could not be master while French and Spaniards held seven of his chief positions. He could not ignore the losses inflicted by the Swiss, the men of the Valais, and the citizens of Geneva. Charles V had broken his mother's heart by conferring the long-coveted Montferrat, the geographical complement of Piedmont to the east, on the rival House of Mantua. The rights of Savoy were, indeed, reserved ; but reservation was only another word for repudiation. The question whether the Marquisate of Saluzzo, or any of it, were a fief of Piedmont or of Dauphiné had been merely academic, so long as there was a line of Marquises ; but it was now all-important that its passes and fortresses should not furnish France with an inlet and a base, exposing the plain of Piedmont, and endangering the connexion with the sea-board and with Nice. The recovery of the occupied cities ; that of the southern and northern shores of Lake Leman ; the re-establishment of Savoyard rights over Geneva ; the realisation of claims upon Saluzzo and the Montferrat ; the extension of the narrow strip of Riviera sea-board-such were the aims which must go to make the history of Emmanuel Philibert and his heirs.

It was believed that the Duke would begin by attacking Geneva and persecuting his heterodox subjects, the Vaudois. He did indeed at once take subtle measures against Geneva, and even when at Ghent he promised the Pope to extirpate heresy. Yet his hands were so full that he would scarcely have raised a finger against the Vaudois had their unorthodoxy been limited to their traditional doctrines. Both the government and their Catholic neighbours had long regarded the Vaudois as having a vested interest in these beliefs, and bore them no ill-will on that score. It was another matter when their teachers left their valleys to draw fresh inspiration from Zurich or Geneva, when Swiss and Genevese ministers and fugitive fanatics from France carried their propagandism along the mountain slopes and down into the plain. For centuries the Vaudois belief had remained unaltered, and their ministers, the barbi, were easily out-argued by the trained disputants, first of the German cities, and then of Geneva. Thus the Vaudois deserted their ancient

cult, and became, about 1530, Zwinglian, and, in 1555, ordinary Calvinists, receiving their scriptures and in great measure their ministers from the European Reformation. The primitive worship in the houses of the barbi gave place to the whitewashed temples, offensive to the eyes of the neighbouring Catholics in whose churches Vaudois children had formerly received baptism. Thus the old Vaudois villages had now become a link in the chain of heresy which was drawn round Piedmont on the north and west from the further end of Lake Geneva to the coast-line of Provence. It was not merely a question of religion. In spite of profession, perhaps even of intention, the new heresy was political and aggressive-aggressive above all to Savoy, for it was instinct with the old hatred between Geneva and the Dukes and their relatives the Bishops. The Vaudois, moreover, were backed by the warlike Huguenots of Dauphiné, and by the widespread heresy in the western Savoyard territories with which the Duke could never really cope.

The Piedmontese haunts of the Vaudois were the valleys of the Pellice and Chisone, two rivers which feed the Upper Po, and their smaller affluents, such as the Agrogna. These valleys run down between ridges projecting eastwards from the backbone of the mountains which lies north and south. The population might number 15,000; but Catholics and Vaudois were interspersed. Neither the Duke nor his subjects desired the rupture which the Pope and the foreign ministers of the Vaudois were forcing. The mountaineers had powerful intercessors in the Duchess and the Counts of Racconigi and Luserna. If they would only have expelled their foreign ministers, the government would probably have been content. But the preachers urged armed resistance, persuading their flocks that they could never be reached among their snows. Meanwhile the Pope scornfully rejected the Vaudois Confession, promising, if instruction failed-and the Jesuit Possevin did egregiously fail-to grant a year's ecclesiastical revenue in Piedmont for the suppression of heresy.

In October, 1560, the Vaudois resolved upon resistance. It was the usual tale of such conflicts: on the one side sudden submission and rapid •recrudescence, the capture of small garrisons and the desecration of Catholic churches ; on the other small mobile columns working up the valleys and along the parallel ridges-here and there a serious check ; but, to set against this, successful turning movements, seizure of stock, and consequent shortage of supply, as the Vaudois were forced back into the mountains. From the first the Duchess had begged for mercy ; and Catharine de' Medici added her entreaties. In June, 1561, the rebels submitted on very favourable terms. In the fortified places within the Vaudois area liberty of conscience was conceded, and outside them liberty of worship also; but beyond the valleys no worship or propagandism was suffered. Foreign observers saw in the settlement a reverse for the Duke; but strong Catholic as he was, he had a political feeling for toleration ;

he would not destroy his subjects, however heterodox, nor risk Swiss, French, or German intervention. Difficulties were not over, mainly because the question of the admission of foreign preachers was left obscure ; and these set the people against the local leaders, who were inclined towards temperate agreement. There was a moment of alarm when Alva's army marched through Piedmont towards the Netherlands, and another when in 1569 Emmanuel Philibert with extraordinary speed built the fort of Mirabocco, to block the connexion of the Pellice valley with France. He wisely took little notice of the villagers' gatherings, was opportunist in the issue and suspension of edicts against foreign preachers, and faithfully kept his word on the unquestioned terms of the original peace.

An opportunist policy was also followed in dealing with ordinary dissent. The early drastic measures resulted in the flight of a considerable portion of the inhabitants in some Piedmontese towns to Saluzzo and Dauphiné. Depopulation was the last thing which the Duke desired. He recalled the fugitives, quashed most of the sentences, restored confiscated property, and henceforth connived at liberty of conscience at the least. In some cases he refused to surrender heretics to the Pope, or released them from the Inquisition. He gave refuge to fugitive Huguenots, even to those flying from the provincial massacres which followed St Bartholomew's Eve. While in Piedmont the Decrees of Trent were published, in Savoy, where heresy was more dominant, publication was withheld. Toleration might have been more complete but for the provocation given by native and foreign heretics, who formed plots against different places in turn, and who actually occupied the strong strategic position of Exilles.

Emmanuel Philibert's comparative tenderness towards heretics displeased both Philip II and successive Popes, while the occasional imprisonment of treasonable reformers brought lectures from the German Princes. To both parties he urged that circumstances alter cases : and he answered Philip's remonstrances by declining to depopulate his country, and to give a pretext for the intervention of the vigilant Huguenots of Provence and Dauphiné. Nevertheless, he was clever enough to retain or restore amicable relations with both religions abroad, and to prevent recrudescence of serious trouble at home. Even the wild Huguenots of Dauphiné respected his agents and messengers. Some precautions were, however, always taken. In later days in France the exclusion of Huguenots from royal favours proved a potent engine of conversion ; and the same method was earlier tried in Savoy. Reform, moreover, was fought with its ownweapons,andthe high character and devotion of Girolamo dellaRovere, Archbishop of Turin, made him a formidable foe. When the Jesuits and the associated Order of St Paul were firmly established at Turin and elsewhere, when the seminaries educated teachers as competent as those of the Piedmontese congregations, Catholicism began to recover ground,

and to drive nonconformity back to the Vaudois valleys. If Emmanuel Philibert had been a persecutor, he would scarcely have kept his throne ; if he had given free course to heresy, his son would probably have lost it. The shortest and easiest means to suppress heresy would doubtless have been the conquest of Geneva. The Duke's military advisers did, indeed, survey the possibilities of surprise or siege, while other agents, acquiring property in or near the town, stealthily manufactured a Savoyard party. It was, however, too dangerous to provoke single-handed the Protestant Cantons and the Huguenots, perhaps even some of the German Princes. Geneva could only be attacked with the cooperation of the Catholic Powers. The Pope was eager, and Philip II would probably have consented; but the French Court hesitated, and finally refused assent, for the very reason, perhaps, that the Guise party would have granted it. Thus the great opportunity was lost, though Emmanuel Philibert kept his claims alive. He refused, however, to acquiesce in the occupation of the whole of his northern territories by Bern, Freiburg, and the Valais, finding aid in the dislike of the other Cantons for the aggressive practices of Bern. The line of division was not religious for, while Catholic Freiburg shared with Protestant Bern the territories robbed from Charles III, Protestant Zurich concurred with the other six Catholic Cantons in the sympathy for Savoy, which in 1560 culminated in the Treaty of Luzern. Mediation was then entrusted to the eleven neutral Cantons ; but when Bern proved recalcitrant, the Catholic Cantons began to exchange persuasion for threats. The Bernese at length saw that their opponent was a Prince whom even France thought well to propitiate, and they assented to a compromise regulated by the treaties of Nyon and Lausanne (1564). The Duke recovered Gex, and the territories occupied by Bern to the south of Lake Geneva, while he ceded those on the north from the entrance of the Rhone to Vevay, and also the Pays de Vaud. The middle of the Lake was fixed as the boundary. The Duke promised liberty of conscience in the recovered territories, reserving his rights to Geneva, but engaging not to prosecute them by force of arms, and to allow unrestricted commerce with the city. Five years later, the Duke recovered from the Valais the southern shore of the Lake between the rivers Drance and Morge, ceding the lands on the right bank of the latter. The Valais entered into an alliance for mutual support with a definite number of troops, and gave the Duke permission to move his forces through their territory from one part of his dominions to another. Both concessions were of great advantage ; for he thus obtained a secondary means of communication between Savoy and Piedmont, and a most efficient auxiliary force at a very slight cost. Freiburg proved more obstinate, for the Duke had no means of attacking his lost territory of Romont, separated as it was by the recent cessions to Bern. The dispute dragged on until 1578, when he suddenly gave way, because it
was hindering the conclusion of a most essential league with the Catholic Cantons. This league was bought at the price of Romont, and was worth its price, for it assured to the Duke in case of attack a force of 12,000 Swiss, while the Cantons engaged not to admit Geneva into fellow-citizenship until the justice of his claims had been decided. As an outward token of the new alliances the Duke's person was henceforth guarded by sixty halberdiers recruited from the Catholic Cantons and the Valais.

The three years within which the French Crown had to substantiate its claims slipped rapidly by amid excuses, delays, and the revival of ridiculous pretensions. Should Emmanuel Philibert have no heir, as was thought probable, his Gallicised cousin, the Duke of Nemours, would succeed under totally different conditions. But on January 12, 1562, Margaret gave birth to Charles Emmanuel. The civil wars in France had now begun, enabling the Duke to press harder. He won the King of Navarre, the Constable, and Nemours, while Margaret secretly corresponded with the Queen-Mother. France was still too strong to abandon her hold on Italy ; and the Duke saw that he must compromise. One proposal was an exchange of the fertile province of Bresse for Saluzzo and the five Piedmontese towns ; but finally the French retained Pinerolo, receiving Savigliano and the valley of Perosa in return for the other cities. This gave them better access to Saluzzo, while it freed the centre of Piedmont from their annoying presence. Such was the growing demoralisation in France that the Crown's engagement found no acquiescence from its officers in Piedmont. Under great provocation the Duke had kept his temper for three years; he now with consummate judgment lost it. Accusing the French commandants of stirring his Protestant subjects to revolt, he threatened an appeal to Spain as guarantor of the treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis. This brought the Cardinal of Lorraine himself to Piedmont with peremptory orders for evacuation. The garrisons sulkily withdrew to their less comfortable quarters. On December 12,1562, the Duke rode into Turin, henceforth the capital of a new European Power.

Through these weary negotiations Spain and the Pope had given Emmanuel Philibert no aid ; the victory was all his own. He felt that his fortunes must depend mainly on the power of France and thus on the issue of the civil wars. Their continuance was to his interest ; and, when trouble began for Spain in the Netherlands, his old intimacy with its promoters is said to have added force to this diversion.

After the Massacre of St Bartholomew it became difficult to steer a reasonably safe course. While professing proper Catholic enthusiasm, the Duke entered into close correspondence with Montmorency-Damville, Governor of Languedoc, who dissociated himself from the royal crime. The death of Charles IX made all things easier. The Queen-Mother begged Emmanuel Philibert to escort Henry III through Italy on his way from Poland. At Venice he was the King's inseparable companion ;

thence he escorted him to Turin ; and everywhere the Savoyard forces were ostentatiously reviewed. Their master was too great a gentleman to beg a favour in his own house, though, perhaps, the Duchess privately besought her nephew to make a gift of the districts still occupied by France. At Lyons Henry III promised their restoration, while the Duke offered a large force against the King's enemies in France. The moment of happiness was terribly marred, for Emmanuel Philibert was hurried home by the illness of his wife and his heir. The boy recovered, but the Duke's staunchest ally and counsellor was lost to him. To her, almost as much as to himself, the salvation of Savoy had been due, while she had made Turin a social and intellectual centre, worthy of old France. The political effects of the loss were felt at once, for the French ministers and the Duke of Nevers, a Gonzaga, now Governor of Saluzzo, strenuously opposed the cession of the Piedmontese fortresses. The King, however, held to his promise ; and in the winter of 1574-5 Piedmont was clear of French garrisons. Margaret, with clear insight, had often twitted her husband on the respective greed of France and Spain. Though Philip had no conceivable pretext for retaining Asti and Santhià, their cession cost infinite trouble, and huge bribes to his factotum, Antonio Perez. But the evacuation was at last completed, and the Duke was ruler throughout the length and breadth of Piedmont.

In addition to the recovered cities, Emmanuel Philibert made some useful acquisitions by purchasing Tenda with the valleys of Prelà and Maro. The former was of much importance, as commanding the pass to Nice, while the Prelà opened a way to Oneglia, which was bought from one of the Doria. Thus was won yet another access to that much disputed Riviera, where France and Spain, Genoa and Savoy, each had a foothold. The Duke was suspected of designs upon Finale, already coveted by the Spanish King, and also upon Savona, which would gladly have revolted from Genoa, who was deliberately ruining its once thriving trade. His chief failure was Montferrat. In vain he appealed for a revision of his claim, visiting Augsburg in 1566 to press it. He found the Emperor so intent upon a Turkish campaign that delicacy held him back, though he thought it judicious to contribute a serviceable cavalry contingent. A less cautious statesman might have found his opportunity in the rising of Casale, virtually a free town, against the absolutism of the first Mantuan Marquis. After giving some encouragement he finally, from fear of Spain, left the rebellion alone, even expelling the refugees to whom he had given shelter.

In his designs upon Saluzzo the Duke was more venturesome, and at his death had some hold upon the Marquisate. Success depended on French favour, and this on French difficulties. His system was to court all parties. He was intimate with Montmorency-Damville, studiously amicable to the Queen-Mother, sympathetic towards the ultra-Catholics,

generous to proscribed Huguenots. During the earlier troubles of Henry Ill's reign Emmanuel Philibert offered to buy Saluzzo ; but the French Court preferred the bid of Bern, Zurich, and Basel ; and, but for the Duke's active influence upon French parties the bargain would have been struck to the imminent peril of his State. This terrible risk drove him to the first step in the attempted dismemberment of France, which was to cost his son so dear. He tempted Philip II to a joint attack, as the result of which Saluzzo, and perhaps Provence and Dauphiné, should fall to himself, while he would abandon to Spain his claims on Montferrat. For so bold a scheme Philip was too timid ; and the Duke narrowed his aims to intervention in Salu/zo, where the governor Bellegarde was scheming to establish, with Spanish aid, an independent satrapy. Catharine de' Medici induced Bellegarde temporarily to resign his governorship; but in 1579 the adventurer with a motley force of Huguenots and Catholics reoccupied Carmagnola and the town of Saluzzo. In all this Emmanuel Philibert was concerned. He was glad to pay off his score against the Queen, who had baulked his designs upon Geneva, but he feared the large Huguenot element in Bellegarde's army. Catharine, believing that he was the determining factor, interviewed him at Grenoble and at Montluel. Bellegarde was bribed to loyalty by the governorship of Saluzzo with wider powers, but straightway died (1579). The Duke professed to be the mainstay of French influence; yet Carmagnola was held, nominally for France, but really for himself, while in Centallo the Provencal adventurer Anselme with a strong Huguenot garrison was financed by Spain. Such was the situation in Saluzzo at the time of Emmanuel Philibert's death on August 30, 1580.

To a character so arbitrary and a genius so constructive as that of Emmanuel Philibert it was almost an advantage that the social and constitutional landmarks of his State had been swept away. Constitution, army, justice, finance, and education must needs be new creations. Not one of them was isolated; they must all form part of a single architectonic plan. The creator cannot be said to have brought to perfection his complicated structure ; but he left it so far advanced that a careful and sympathetic successor with far less genius, but a due regard to the adaptation of ends to means, could have completed the design. Finance was the foundation ; and this for a modern monarchy must be wider and deeper than that which had served for the frail superstructure of feudal Savoy. Burdens hitherto locally borne by feudatories and communes were now added to the liabilities of the central government. The Duke's foreign expenses were enormous, for he had to buy and keep partisans at Rome, Vienna, and Madrid, in the Swiss Cantons, in each French faction. Large sums were needed to buy out the French and Spanish garrisons, and to purchase the feudal territories which lay between central Piedmont and the coast. It is not surprising, therefore, that Emmanuel Philibert's taxation was quadruple or quintuple that of

his father. Throughout his reign he experimented in finance, ringing the changes on frontier duties, or imposts on articles of consumption, on direct taxation after the model of the French taiille, and on the salt monopoly which took the usual form of forcing each family to purchase a specified amount. The object was as far as possible to bring the exempted classes into line with the middle and lower. To this there was of course much resistance; but the Duke's general friendliness towards the Papacy enabled him to draw large subsidies from his clergy.

The Estates of Piedmont would never have granted the taxes which the Duke extracted, but they had almost ceased to exist during the French occupation ; and he made no effort to revive them, although he continued to summon the several provincial Estates of his Savoyard territories, where the question of subsidies was less important. In Piedmont he negotiated with the communes separately, and with committees of contributories in the country districts. He would listen to suggestions and remonstrances, and vary the methods and incidence of taxation, but on the sum total of revenue to be derived he was immovable. Much discontent there was. The Venetian envoy Boldu in his report of 1561 states that the Piedmontese longed for war again and cursed the peace, that in the towns still occupied by France they had no wish for evacuation, and that French officials fanned the flames. But there was no rising against taxation. The Duke had gained his object ; towards the close his budgets balanced, while he had a large sum of gold in the treasury for emergencies. Few European rulers could boast as much

Meanwhile, the resources of Piedmont were developed ; and its prosperity perhaps increased in as high a ratio as its burdens. The Duke had the talent for detail characteristic of the best soldiers ; nothing was too small for his attention in agricultural and commercial progress. He revived or created the manufacture of cloth and fustians, of hats, and more especially of silk. He is said to have forced his subjects to grow mulberries wherever it was possible; and a Venetian envoy reported that Piedmont was being denuded of timber by the introduction of mulberries and vines. Soap, glass, and porcelain were among other industries encouraged ; and it was noticeable that the chief magnates were those most infected by this new spirit of enterprise. But, after all, minerals were the most rapid means of producing wealth; and in mining the Duke took the deepest, if most futile, interest. He with difficulty believed that he could possess so much mountain with so little metal, and at length in despair had recourse to alchemy. The production of native salt would at all events multiply the value of his monopoly; and he gave attention both to the mines of rock-salt in Savoy, and to the process of evaporation on the Riviera. The ducal edicts usually opened with an educational introduction in literary form, explaining the bearing of their contents. That which related to the attempted abolition of serfage was

peculiarly modern, beginning, "Since it has pleased God to restore human nature to full liberty." Nevertheless the philanthropy was spoiled by the fiscalism which strove to make a revenue out of emancipation fees, while the voice of freedom found little echo among the idle and ignorant peasantry.

In the armament of the recovered State, curiously enough, the Duke's fleet took precedence of his army. The first year of his actual reign he spent at Nice, the home of his childhood. Here with Andrea Provana's help he constructed his little fleet. As the lord of Nice and Villafranca, he was a valuable ally to the rulers of Barcelona or Marseilles. He was probably infected with Charles Vs enthusiasm for a naval .crusade, but apart from this a squadron seemed essential for coast defence. The Riviera was annually harried by the Barbaresques ; the Duke himself was surprised at Villafranca and for a moment left alone among the enemy. In 1560 Provana could command ten galleys, and though this number was reduced his squadron remained a model of efficiency. The galleys were faster than the Genoese ; their crews better fed and more humanely treated ; the Duke himself invented an improved carbine for his marines. At Lepanto Provana and his three ships fought almost to their own destruction. To make naval service fashionable the Duke later obtained the Pope's consent to vest the Grand-mastership of the old and now corrupt Order of San Lazzaro in the dynasty on condition of creating and fusing with it the Order of San Maurizio. He gave the Knights two galleys and a training base at Nice ; but, though Savoyard nobles were attracted by the commanderies of San Lazzaro scattered throughout Europe, they scarcely increased the efficiency of the fleet.

On land the Duke's first care was the fortification of critical positions. The great pentagon of Turin was so admired by Alva on his march to the Netherlands that he carried off its engineer, Pacciotti, to build the Antwerp citadel. The master's own craft was proved by his modification of the pentagon to suit the more limited space of the strong new castle of Bourg. Montmélian was believed to be impregnable ; and the great fortress of the Annunziata rose as a menace to Geneva. The shattered defences of Cuneo were transformed ; and Mondovi's monastic buildings, which occupied the dominant site, were replaced by fortifications. The Duke's artillery was partly founded from church bells bought cheap from neighbouring Huguenot provinces. He professed that his fortresses were designed to stem the flowing tide of heresy, of which the first rush would fall on him. But the military experts of France and Spain could see that the new fortifications concerned themselves ; and the works at Vercelli had to be abandoned on Spanish protests. The fortresses were well garrisoned, absorbing some 3000 troops, who were so highly paid that Savoyard service became popular. Skilled gunners and artificers were imported from Germany, while cannon foundries and powder factories were established in the Duchy.

To support his scheme of fortresses the Duke created a militia of 25,000 men. In Piedmont these soon improved under a system of parochial, district, and provincial training, but all Venetian envoys agreed that in Savoy there was not a tolerable soldier ; the people were poor-spirited and used their helmets, breast-plates, swords and lances as kitchen utensils. The small force of 700 yeomanry consisted mainly of gentry well mounted and of excellent quality. In case of invasion the Duke could fall back upon a feudal levy of 7000 horse who had the potentialities of a serviceable cavalry. Yet, after all, this was an age of professionalism; and every would-be military power must be in touch with the mercenary market. The Duke's distinguished service gave him a great advantage ; he retained in his pay nine Italian condottieri of high repute, named " the Colonels," who at any crisis could find him as many seasoned troops as he could pay. Finally, his treaty with the Catholic Cantons and the Valais gave him a lien on a definite number of stalwart foot, while proportionately reducing the forces available by France or Spain.

It is remarkable that the victor of Saint-Quentin never fought again. Nor did he ever employ in active service the little army which he created, except in small numbers as mere auxiliaries of the Emperor or the French King, and this for political ends unconnected with the actual campaigns. The military resources of the new State were adapted rather for defence than offence. The militia was not sufficiently trained for conquest ; the Swiss, though deeply interested in the preservation of Savoy, would not have fought for its expansion. Emmanuel Philibert would go to the very edge of an aggressive policy, but would never overstep it, however passionate were his desires. This may be illustrated from his attitude towards Genoa and Geneva, and from the self-control with which he kept his itching palms from Saluzzo and the Montferrat. He had the gift of measuring his possibilities.

Emmanuel Philibert's physical energy was marvellous. Most of his business he conducted standing or walking ; he craved for fresh air, and hard exercise in blazing sun, vowing that fog was more wholesome than crowded rooms. After a nine hours' run which had brought stag, field and pack to a stand-still, he would split the logs to cook his supper, play quoits till dark, and rustic games till midnight. Naturally he was all bone and muscle ; but he did not escape an hereditary touch of gout.

The Duke was not, so the envoys state, highly educated, being only a good mathematician, and a most accomplished linguist. His natural bent was practical, and his favourite employments military mechanics, chemistry, planting and grafting. Yet he fully appreciated culture, and if one ambassador heard Euclid read aloud, another must listen to Aristotle's Ethics. He delighted in history, and on an abstract theme could argue as if he had read all Plato. The education of modem Savoy dates from Emmanuel Philibert. While debarred from his capital, he

founded his new University at Mondovi, endowing all the faculties, and attracting eminent foreign professors. Transferred after a sharp local conflict to Turin, it rapidly forged ahead. Research and taste were fostered by the splendid library, collected from all the chief centres of the book-trade, by the museum of statuary, pictures, and gems, of scientific and mechanical appliances. The learned Pingone, whose labours students still utilise, collected documents from local Piedmontese archives ; a ducal commission compiled an encyclopaedia, the Teatro universale di tutte le scienze. Turin was taught to make its own paper and set up its own type; and, to give it an admirable model, the Bevilacqua press was beguiled from Venice.

Personally religious, the Duke was regular at mass, and knew the service as well as the priest ; sparing in all else, he was generous to the Church, especially to the newer and more active fraternities. Men kept their religion and their morals in separate compartments of their characters. From first to last the Duke was an unfaithful husband, though he treated his wife with playfulness, tenderness, and respect. No indecent jests ever passed his lips; and, in spite of service in Flanders, he never acquired the soldierlike habit of swearing. He plumed himself on truthfulness and observance of his promises.

No ruler ever carried further the principles of absolute monarchy. He regarded himself as having conquered his country, lance in rest, and felt no obligation to respect the liberties of nobles or communes. The duchy must be a new creation, his own handiwork, and the Duke as near a King as might be. The desire for a royal title, exaggerated in his son, was not the outcome of mere vanity, but an integral part of his political scheme. This explains his pride and exclusiveness, for by nature he was gracious and sociable. At church and at table he sat under a canopy. This contrast between his exclusiveness and his father's easy manners was far from popular; but some outward symbol of the new relation was perhaps necessary. On all grounds the Duke was resolved to keep his nobles in their place. There was nothing, he said, that a Prince should so carefully avoid as the grant of fiefs, for it was the creation of potential enemies. Until his power was firmly established he controlled the two parties, Guelf and Ghibelline, through the agency of their chiefs, the Counts of Racconigi and Masino. Later, however, he decided everything for himself, not even always consulting the most intimate of his friends, Andrea Provana. Men naturally regretted the old, easy times, but the day was past for the reconstruction of an old-fashioned and haphazard feudal State.

On Emmanuel Philibert's death the direct succession hung upon a single doubtful life. Charles Emmanuel, reared with difficulty, had finally been hardened into manhood by his father's passion for air and exercise. Small and thin, and pale of face, he could yet hunt or joust or fight with total disregard for the hours of food or sleep. He was

described at a later time as being " all muscle and spirit." Intellectually restless, he was already something of a poet and an artist, showing signs of the versatile taste and rapid intuition which enabled him to hold his own with experts on whatever topic. Latterly he had shared all his father's plans, and he took over his father's only confidential ministers, Bernardino di Racconigi and Andrea Provana. Thus Saluzzo and Geneva were still in the foreground of the ideal picture of the Savoyard State, and Montferrat in the middle distance. By birth and intellectual propensity the Duke leant towards France. Spain, however, seemed the more formidable, for the conquest of Portugal gave prestige and prospects of illimitable wealth; and the Spanish troops, poured into Lombardy from Genoa and Naples, were marched through Piedmont and Savoy to Franche-Comté on their way to the Netherlands.

Charles Emmanuel must obviously marry. Thé natural alternatives were a French and a Spanish match, but each was subdivided. Catharine de' Medici longed to give him her well-loved granddaughter, Christine of Lorraine. This would entail a close union with the Crown, and strengthen the old friendship with the Guises. Montmorency-Damville, governor of Languedoc, his father's friend, would have linked him to the opposition by marriage with Navarre's sister, Catharine. This was the Duke's own preference, but he was too Catholic and too prudent to wed a heretic in the Pope's despite. The Spanish nobility, hating closer connexion with the Habsburgs, would gladly have seen the elder Infanta, Isabella, marry the Savoyard, and so tighten the Spanish hold on Italy. Philip, however, reserved her for an Austrian marriage; so the Duke must be content with the second daughter, Catharine. As a sequel to the marriage he hoped for Geneva, Saluzzo, Montferrat; but in spite of lavish expenditure in Spain, he brought nothing home with his bride but promises of aid which always failed, and the contract for a dowry never paid in full.

The Spanish marriage might seem to decide Savoyard policy. Yet, though Philip often hampered or thwarted his son-in-law, he never gave a lead. The very marriage had been finally determined by Alençon's death; and Savoyard history, until Philip's decease, followed the fortunes of religious war in France. The Swiss were, indeed, often an important factor ; but French politics controlled also the action of the Cantons.

The early years of the reign were occupied mainly in plots against Geneva. The conditions of success were complex. Surprise was almost necessary, and yet difficult, for a gathering of troops would alarm Bern and the Huguenots of Dauphiné. Spanish support and the neutrality at least of France seemed essential, yet these were incompatible, for a Savoyard occupation of Geneva would facilitate Spanish communications with the Netherlands to the prejudice of France. It would require large forces to take and hold Geneva in the teeth of the Bernese ; they must therefore either be propitiated, or elsewhere employed, or counteracted

by the Catholic Cantons. Bern and even Catholic Freiburg had vital interest in Geneva's independence, for its capture would encourage the Duke to attempt recovery of the territories ravished from Charles III. The most natural ally against Geneva was the Pope, who could offer invaluable financial aid. But the Pope could not ignore French remonstrances, nor force Philip IPs pace. Moreover, directly the Curia stirred, a war professedly undertaken for local Savoyard rights became a European religious conflict ; German Protestants began to arm, and even England threatened. Thus Charles Emmanuel's schemes naturally failed, though he had secret supporters within the city sternly ruled by a Calvinist oligarchy, and in the Vaud, where the unsympathetic Swiss rule was far from popular. Du Plan, who was to surprise the citizens in church with the aid of soldiers concealed in barges plying with rice, was executed for treason. Henry III gave vague promises and withdrew them. Spanish aid was not forthcoming. Cardinal Borromeo, who strove to unite the Catholic cause in Lombardy, Piedmont, and the Forest Cantons, was eager for war; but the more prudent Gregory XIII thought the means of Savoy incommensurate with its ends. The formation of the Catholic League in France and the accession of Sixtus V offered better chances. The Pope roused the enthusiasm of the Catholic Cantons ; and so closely was he concerned, that Geneva was to be conquered in his name and then conferred on Savoy. One Damilly promised to betray a gate on Easter Sunday, 1586. But a movement so extensive could not be concealed. Henry III, stronger abroad than at home, could at least delay the attack by pressure on the Pope. Philip II meant the scheme to be subsidiary, and not preliminary, to his own wider plans. Drake's ravages and the preparations for the Armada delayed the promised Spanish aid till the day for surprise was past. Then, when all was ready for a formal siege, the Governor of Milan suddenly announced that his troops were needed for the Netherlands.

Since 1584 the Duke had fitfully intrigued with all French parties for the possession or governorship of Saluzzo. Henry Ill's capitulation to the League on the Day of the Barricades stirred his ambitions into full activity. The royalist lieutenant-governor, La Hitte, harassed by Huguenot raids from Dauphiné, and endangered by the approach of the Leaguers under Mayenne, appealed to Charles Emmanuel. The latter professed to fear, above all things, a Huguenot occupation of Saluzzo, and so played upon papal sympathy. Yet from the first he had an understanding with Lesdiguières, now fully engaged by Mayenne's advance. Montmorency also, from fear of the League, urged a Savoyard occupation. Thus encouraged, the Duke on Michaelmas morning, 1588, surprised Carmagnola, taking possession in the name of Henry III, and posing in French dress as governor for France. Within two months the whole Marquisate was in his hands. The Spanish government had disapproved of the rash act, but admired the skill of its execution, and welcomed

the fait accompli as closing Italy to France. The news of the outrage reached Henry III while the Estates sat at Blois, and caused a cry for reconciliation at home and war on Savoy. Venice, Tuscany, and Ferrara were willing to pay the costs of the Savoyard's eviction ; but in France each class and party hated its neighbour more than the foreigner ; Guise told the Duke that he only urged hostilities for fear of being thought a bad Frenchman. The King alone was not to be appeased. His ultimatum reached Charles Emmanuel on Christmas-Day, only to be treated with contempt. Two days earlier Guise was murdered at Blois.

Saluzzo was the first and last substantial success of this adventurous reign. The Duke's elation was increased by a campaign against Geneva, in which his own generalship forced her Bernese allies to abandon her, while she was bridled by the fortress of Sainte-Catherine, built just outside her borders. He believed now that he could safely turn on France. The King's murder in August, 1589, offered him a complexity of chances too tempting for his speculative spirit. His father had known how to propitiate all French parties, and play on all ; the son intrigued with all, and offended all. He offered aid and congratulations to Navarre. To Philip II he proposed to hold Provence for the Cardinal Bourbon, elect of the League. He promised Mayenne to employ all his strength in the national Catholic cause. Lesdiguières was tempted to yield him Dauphiné by the offer of a Savoyard bride. To gain a free hand in Provence, Montmorency was industriously cajoled. Why should not Charles Emmanuel be King himself? Was he not born of a French King's daughter ? Could not his wife inherit her mother's claim, since her elder sister was so likely to succeed to the Spanish Crown that the French would never suffer her ? More definite, however, were his views on a more modest kingdom-a revival of that of Aries, or an Allobrogian kingdom, comprising Savoy, Dauphiné, Provence, and the Lyonnais. He had long prepared his ground. In Dauphiné, indeed, his overtures to the Parliament of Grenoble met with rebuff; the Catholics, hard pressed by Lesdiguières, were urged by Mayenne to submit rather to the heretic than the Savoyard. Provence was more favourable ; for here a small Savoyard force was already fighting for the League against the Royalist governor Bertrand de la Valette. The Duke received a formal invitation from the Parliament of Aix to hold the province for the Crown and the Catholic religion.

Charles Emmanuel's interference in Provence has quite erroneously been ascribed to Spanish influence, for Philip earnestly dissuaded it. He was unwilling to irritate the French nation into war, and to fritter away resources far from the centre of civil strife. He could not approve the dismemberment of France when he wished to win the whole for the Infanta Isabella. Sixtus V offered some cold encouragement, but his real wish was the reconciliation of Henry IV with Rome. Definite action was delayed by a revival of the Genevese war, by La Valette's

capture of Barcelonnette, which blocked the most practicable road to Provence, and by the necessity of relieving Grenoble. But in June, 1590, the skies were clearer. The Duke sent his best officer, Martinengo, to Aix with troops and money, and in November made his own triumphal entrance to the Provençal capital. Here he was invested with command by the four Estates, that he might maintain the province in the Catholic religion and under the authority of the King of France. This prosperous opening had a sorry sequel. The Duke's ministers soon discovered that his force was totally unequal to its task. The Provençal Leaguers were divided ; and favour towards the faction of the Comtesse de Saulx determined the hostility of that of the Comte de Carces. Marseilles and Aries clamoured for a papal protectorate, which Sixtus V refused, for " the Marseillais were the most unstable people upon earth.11 The Duke had failed to realise how dangerous an enemy was Lesdiguières, the most resourceful leader that the Civil Wars had trained, whose Huguenot bands were hardened by years of mountain warfare to the perfection of mobility and daring. Round Dauphiné the Savoyard territories and Provence lay in a half circle. From this vantage-ground, acting on interior lines, Lesdiguières could threaten Savoy or Piedmont, Saluzzo or Provence. Everywhere he was pouncing on Savoyard and League garrisons, and since December, 1590, he was far stronger, for his capture of Grenoble made him master of his own province. Inaction and taxation strained Provençal patience ; and Spain would give no aid.

As a last resource the Duke determined on a personal appeal to Philip; and at this conjuncture the irreconcilable virulence of the factions at Marseilles gave him the opportunity. Early in 1591 the Leaguers expelled the Royalists ; and the Comtesse de Saulx gained access for the Duke, who persuaded the city to elect deputies to accompany him to Spain. Philip gave his son-in-law a cold reception, but Charles Emmanuel tempted him with the prospect of Toulon, and extorted a small military and naval force with which he sailed for Marseilles. Meanwhile La Valette and the Grand Duke of Tuscany had suborned his commandant ; and the city refused admittance. The Comtesse de Saulx herself deserted him ; but he forced his way into Aix and took her prisoner. This capture of his quondam devotee was his last success in his imaginary Allobrogian kingdom. General politics were now setting against Savoyard pretensions. The new Pope, Clement VIII, graciously received a deputation from Marseilles, offering him the Protectorate, and complaining that Charles Emmanuel had tried to betray the town to Spain. Parma's retreat from Rouen rendered possible a concentration of royalist forces in the south. In April the Duke retired to Nice, leaving a few garrisons to facilitate the return for which he always hoped.

Six years of defensive warfare were now to prove the Duke's best qualities-his resourcefulness, his unflagging courage in misfortune. Lesdiguières, crossing the Mont Genèvre late in 1592, won the Piedmontese

Vaudois, and began the systematic conquest of Saluzzo. Charles Emmanuel showed that he was still to be reckoned with, by dragging his guns up the heights overlooking Exilles and pounding the fortress into surrender (May, 1593). The Truce of Suresnes, which followed Henry IV's abjuration, was welcomed by Savoyards and Piedmontese, exhausted by Huguenot raids and war taxation, and disturbed by the Spanish auxiliaries from Lombardy, who were annexing the Eastern fortresses as in the disastrous days of Charles IIL

In January, 1594, the Truce expired; in February Lyons declared for Henry IV-a source of great danger to Savoy; in March the King entered Paris. Charles Emmanuel was urged by his envoy at Madrid to make peace with France, for the action of " that old tree " Philip II was as weak, slow, and ill-regulated in France and Flanders as in Savoy. The Governor of Milan in genuine alarm urged Philip to give his son-in-law substantial aid. Philip then consented to the Duke's repeated petitions that he should command the Spanish troops in Piedmont, but he must confine himself to the capture of Bricherasio and Cavour. Thus decided, Charles Emmanuel fell upon Bricherasio, fought a drawn battle with Lesdiguières for the relief of Exilles, which he could not save, and then forced Cavour to surrender by his impenetrable cordon of blockhouses. Piedmont was thus relieved ; but Savoy was surrounded by hostile provinces, and had no adequate means of defence. The Duke's sympathies were becoming French; he convinced his wife that she should prefer her husband's and sons' interests to her father's. The papal Nuncio at Turin wrote that the Duke was by nature much of a Frenchman ; while the Spanish Constable declared that he had French lilies planted in his breast.

This change of front resulted in the tedious conferences of Bourgoing, turning mainly on the possession of Saluzzo. The Duke and Sillery arrived at a reasonable compromise ; and peace seemed certain. But Lesdiguières and Biron convinced the King of the ease of conquering Savoy and Piedmont. Henry IV curtly disavowed his agent ; he had only waited till Lesdiguières was ready. The Huguenot now sprang upon Charbonnières, the key of the Savoyard province of La Maurienne. The Duke, as a counterstroke, built a fort at Barraux to threaten Grenoble. At this crisis he fell ill, nearly to death, at Chambéry. The Duchess, in her confinement, hearing that her beloved lord was dead, died herself of grief. Charles Emmanuel was no model husband, but he was truly devoted to the one counsellor in whose advice he trusted. His passionate sorrow could only be relieved by action. Forcing his way through the snows into La Maurienne in February, 1598, he retook Charbonnières. Nor was this all. Lesdiguières' son-in-law, Créqui, believing from the sound of continual firing that the fort still held out, was entrapped with his whole force-the most serious reverse, perhaps, that Lesdiguières had ever suffered. Yet the Huguenot would not be denied the last word, and his reply was the seizure of Barrault. These vigorous

exchanges were no unworthy termination of a war in which the Duke had proved himself an apt disciple of his enemy, the master of the art of mountain warfare. He emerged from the long conflict without apparent sacrifice of territory Savoy was by the papal legate's agency included in the Peace of Vervins ; Berre, the last place held in Provence, was surrendered; the question of Saluzzo was left to the Pope's arbitration. Charles Emmanuel was determined to keep Saluzzo, Henry IV to have it back, and Clement VIII to postpone the responsibility of his award. The Duke's methods were to convince Spain of the necessity of keeping the French to the west of the Alps, to bribe the French Court, and especially the King's mistress, Gabrielle d'Estrées, and to enjoy the benefit of time. It was difficult to keep temper with the Spanish Court. Philip II on dying had left his son-in-law nothing but a crucifix and an image of the Virgin. The new King had his bellicose moments, especially when the treasure-fleet arrived ; but he was ordinarily dominated by the Duke of Lerma, who was all for peace. Thus from Spain sounded an uncertain note. Henry IV, stroking his white beard, swore that he would play the father to the Duke, but he would only grant a few months' delay to the procrastinating Pope. At the close of 1599, when war was imminent, Charles Emmanuel resolved on a personal visit to Fontainebleau. Gabrielle, unfortunately for him, was dead ; finding Henry obdurate, he professed to accept a potential treaty, with alternative proposals for an exchange of other territory for Saluzzo. With this, all but driven out of France, he returned home, not wholly discontented, for he had sown treason among the malcontents, such as Biron, Bouillon and Auvergne. An envoy was sent to Spain, nominally to ascertain the King's views on the alternative proposals, but really to protest against the validity of the treaty, to disclose his successful intrigues, and to urge immediate aid. Fuentes, Parma's best successor, was sent with good troops to Lombardy to defend the Duke if he were attacked ; but Biron was wise in recommending either surrender or security for punctual and substantial Spanish support. Charles Emmanuel's intrigues were known to Henry ; and an ultimatum was sent to him, to which he was too proud to yield. The campaign opened in August, 1600. Biron, postponing his treason, himself took the town of Bourg, while Lesdiguières surprised Montmélian, and before long forced the citadel, reputed impregnable, to capitulate. French and Genevese joined hands to destroy the fortress of Sainte-Catherine. Before the year closed, all Savoy was in French hands except the citadel of Bourg. This citadel's gallant defence and the repulse of Guise from Nice were the only creditable incidents in the war. Charles Emmanuel was no match for the King, Biron, and Lesdiguières combined, but he was unlucky, for his States had just been swept by the plague, which had exhausted his resources. Spanish aid had reduced itself to the occupation of Piedmontese fortresses under pretence of saving them. With rage in his heart, the Duke accepted the Pope's
mediation. Cardinal Aldobrandini found Henry IV at Chambéry, followed him to Lyons, and there forced the King's terms on the Savoyard plenipotentiaries. Henry was really anxious for peace, for, though so far the war had cost him little, Spain was now seriously threatening, and Fuentes about to take the field. In exchange for Saluzzo Savoy ceded Bresse, and in lieu of a war indemnity the bailliages of Gex, Bugey, and Valromey. The outlying fortress of Castel Delfino was restored to Dauphiné, while to Saluzzo were annexed Centallo, Démonte, and Rocca Sparviera, claimed by Provence. To propitiate Spain, Savoy purchased a passage from the Pont de Grésin through Gex to Franche-Comté, the route by which the Spanish troops marched to Flanders. Peace was signed on January 17,1601. Charles Emmanuel exiled his plenipotentiaries, and long deferred to ratify, while Lombardy and Piedmont were being filled with Spanish troops. At length Lerma induced Philip III to sanction the peace, which in October was concluded at Turin.

"The King made peace like a huckster and the Duke like a prince," said Lesdiguières, who had his own reasons for preferring war. The Duke lost his richest territories and his most industrious subjects. The revenue of the ceded territories was tenfold that of Saluzzo, and the population probably a higher multiple. In a remarkable memorial Charles Emmanuel justified his policy or disguised his chagrin. One consolidated State, he said, was better than two separate territories; but he forgot that the bulk of Savoy was still his, and as impossible to defend as ever. It would be harder, he added, for the French to enter Italy, which would conduce to peace ; with war in Italy Piedmont became the gaming-table ; the policy for his House was neutrality between France and Spain, and this was found impossible in war. Here he, perhaps, correctly gauged the situation. The King had made the passage of Spanish troops to Flanders far more dangerous, and it was in Flanders rather than in Lombardy that he meant to attack Spain. Yet, whenever they so wished the French troops could pour from Dauphiné into Savoy, though in Saluzzo they had lost a permanent base of supply. Nevertheless, the Italian Powers naturally regarded the treaty of Lyons with consternation, as leaving them at Spain's mercy. Italy for the moment actually became more Spanish. The Grand Duke of Tuscany, mistrusting France, veered towards Madrid. Charles Emmanuel himself later sent his sons to be educated, or watched as hostages, in Spain. From the treaty of Lyons has sometimes been dated the Duke's championship of Italian independence ; but it was not till a later period, when he was in arms against Spain, that he became the hero of an Italian patriotic and poetic revival.

No sooner had the Duke been extricated from one imbroglio than he deliberately plunged into another. He determined that Geneva should be the compensation for his lost western provinces. In spite of Henry IV's express declaration, he insisted that Geneva was not included in the

treaties of Vervins and Lyons. Spain was tempted by the prospect of a safer line of communication with Flanders than the road by the Pont de Grésin, which the French could close at will. He hoped for the assistance of the Spanish troops, who were quartered from time to time in Savoy, awaiting marching orders. Ledesma, Spanish envoy at Turin, was at first favourable to the enterprise, but later strongly dissuaded it. Fuentes, now Governor of Milan, was attracted by it, but refused to act without express orders. Upon Philip III the Duke put pressure through his close friend and ambassador, the Marquis of Este. In Spain, the Council was agreed upon the value of the scheme in the abstract; but during 1601 time and money were spent on a luckless Algerian expedition, and hesitation was now engrained in the Spanish administration. Finally, at a Council held December 12,1602, Philip III left the decision to Fuentes ; but the dispatch reached him too late.

For more than a year Charles Emmanuel had planned a surprise; and yet Geneva seemed profoundly ignorant. There were no Bernese at hand ; the city was only defended by the small normal guard of mixed nationality. The French Leaguer Albigny, now Governor of Savoy, was entrusted with the enterprise. Don Sancho de Luna, commanding the Spanish troops at Moûtiers, had general orders to obey the Duke; but he was not called upon. The Duke hurried across the Alps in disguise to Annecy, but, owing to bad weather, did not reach the attacking force. Albigny had some 1500 men, horse and foot ; he was provided with expanding ladders painted black, the uppermost section sliding up the wall on small wheels. The longest night, December 22, was chosen ; and it was calculated that the moon would disappear as the walls were neared. Snow in the mountains kept the Swiss at home, while the plain was hard enough to make marching easy. The troops were not told their destination till near the city. They were very nervous ; but hurdles were thrown across the muddy moat and the ladders fixed. Albigny and a Scotch Jesuit stood at the foot encouraging the men, about two hundred, who first scaled the walls. They were to lurk in the darkness until 4 a.m. ; but after a short hour a sentinel fired a shot. One party then ran along the inner side of the walls to surprise the guard of the Porte Neuve, by which Albigny and the bulk of his forces were to enter. They took the inner gate; but one of the watch in flying lowered the portcullis; and the petard which was to blow open the outer gate failed. Others tried to enter by the back of the houses facing the curtain, and so gain the streets. Meanwhile the citizens had rushed for the Porte Neuve, and ultimately drove the Savoyards out. There were four distinct little engagements, but at this gate and at the Place de la Monnaie the fighting was briskest. Here the citizens lined the houses, but could only see the foe by lighted wisps of straw which women waved from the windows. Three hundred men at most probably actually fought on either side ; but the Savoyards, finding that they were not being

reinforced, gave way to panic. The ladders had been thrown down or shot to pieces. The runaways jumped from the walls, or slid .down by ropes ; many were bogged in the moat or caught in the fields next morning. A band of gentry within fought hard, but surrendered on a promise of their lives, which was not kept. Of the defenders eleven citizens and six aliens, the latter mainly belonging to the guard, were killed, and eight citizens and eighteen members of the guard wounded. The escalade took place soon after 1 a.m., and the fight was over by 4 a.m. As Albigny drew off his troops the Duke arrived. " You have made a silly mess," he said, and then rode fast for Piedmont.

Geneva hitherto had owed her safety to Catholic France. Now, she could truthfully thank Providence, and the handful of her own gallant citizens and mercenaries. The Bernese at once despatched troops to defend the city, and Henry IV allowed his subjects to volunteer ; subscriptions were raised in England, Germany, and Languedoc. The Genevese and Bernese issued from the town, ravaged and occupied part of Savoy. The Duke's ill-executed raid might well have stirred a general European conflict. But Henry IV was unwilling to provoke a foreign war, when faced by growing disaffection at home. Philip III showed unwonted resolution. Sancho de Luna, who after the fiasco had kept his troops in quarters with great self-restraint, warned the Genevese that, if they did not come to terms, he knew how to make them. The Catholic Cantons and the Valais were outspoken in their resolve to defend the Catholic and Savoyard cause. All this explains the Duke's lofty attitude during the negotiations, skilfully conducted by the Pope, which led to the treaty of Saint-Julien (July, 1603) and practically restored the status quo ante. Charles Emmanuel did not abandon his ambitions ; but Geneva henceforth was not in the forefront of his plan.

Here we must leave Charles Emmanuel, with resources exhausted, but hopes inexhaustible. Taxation had alienated his subjects ; his father's treasure had given place to debt. Justice had deteriorated, for all offices were sold, and criminals could buy beforehand indemnity for crimes. Capable ambassadors there were, but no trusted counsellors or administrators ; the Duke would consult now one man, now another, " changing them as he would his pictures, just for ornament." He could rely neither on France nor Spain, he was disliked by Medici and Gonzaga, and dreaded by Venice, not for his power but his spirit of disturbance. Misfortune had taught him nothing. Sanguine and without sense of measure, in his feverish dreams of conquest he had visions, almost prophetic, of the future greatness of his House. His name has, indeed, been stamped on history, not by his achievements, his personal courage, his endurance of reverse, but by the imaginative exaltation of his fevered brain, a startling contrast to the somnolence or apathy into which Europe, and especially Italy, seemed to be settling down. At least he was no decadent.